The insider/outsider continuum when researching education

There are two ways of addressing the insider/outsider debate: as a continuum and as a dichotomy. It has been argued that whilst conducting research the researcher can find themselves at some point along a continuum of insiderness (Mercer, 2007). On one side is the complete insider: the person who understands the inner workings of what they are researching. On the polar opposite side there is the outsider: the researcher completely new to the field with no knowledge of the topic. However, can one truly be an outsider? Although I would describe myself as an outsider to French art, I still have an opinion or a vague idea of what I think about the topic. Similarly, can anyone be a true insider? Although one may think they know everything about the topic they are researching, they do not know what they do not know (Krunger and Dunning, 1999). Following this logic, I must agree with Mercer (2007) in that the researcher is located along a continuum of insider and outsiderness rather than the dichotomy representing the researcher as either an insider or outsider with no in between. Below is a visual representation I have created to show the continuum vs the dichotomy.

Continuum:

Dichotomy:

Mercer (2007, p.2) writes that the insider/outsider debate is under researched yet important to an "ever increasing number of educational researchers". Indeed, when I decided to enter the teaching profession, I thought the experience would be beneficial for my future career ambitions as an educational researcher; the idea of being more of an insider appealed to me. I had decided that being a secondary STEM teacher allowed me to be in the midst of education; this would help me better understand the institution as well as its current issues. On the continuum, I wanted to be located more on the insider side than I currently was. 

Of course, there are many critiques of researching one's own educational institution, Simmel (1950) argues that the insider can be easily influenced and "blinded" by the familiarity of the setting. In contrast, advocates for insider research actually argue the opposite: the insider is able to comprehend the setting through their expert knowledge of status, culture and power relations (Merton, 1972). Looking back to when I was an undergraduate I can see why we were told to research an institution that we were a part of. Obviously ease of access played a part, but thinking back it could be possible this was due to understanding the culture and group which would help first time researchers. For instance, Mercer (2007) writes that an advantage of insiderness is flexibility; during my undergraduate degree I interviewed two of my undergraduate housemates at around 11pm after watching Made in Chelsea. The insider also negates the disadvantage of the outsider as Parades (1977) and Zinn (1979) found that these researchers are likely to be presented with a distorted image; hello every school when the famous outsider Ofsted comes for a visit.

However, one of the disadvantages of being an insider is that colleagues’ "willingness to talk to you and what they say to you is influenced by who they think you are" (Drever, 1995). During my PGCE year, my then school mentor sent an email around the school asking if any colleagues would allow me to observe them. It could be seen that their idea of who I was and what I would observe influenced their decision to allow me into their classroom. It could be that those who agreed saw me as an inexperienced trainee teacher and they held epistemological power. This highlights the type of power relationship between the researcher and the researched which Mercer (2007) describes as a dimension of the insider/outsider continuum. Whilst observing colleagues I was located at differing parts of the continuum: I am an insider to the school policies and familiar pupils but an outsider to unknown pupils, possibly the subject I am observing and the teacher’s techniques (Olson, 1977; Mercer, 2007; Deutsch, 1981).  It will be interesting to see how these relationships change when I ask to observe colleagues for my masters. Will those who do not hold the qualification feel epistemologically challenged? Will those who hold a masters degree feel more powerful, allow me in their classroom and treat me as an insider?

References:

Deutsch, C. P. (1981) The behavioral scientist: insider and outsider, Journal of Social Issues, 37(2), 172–191.

Drever, E. (1995) Using semi-structured interviews in small-scale research (Edinburgh, The Scottish Council for Research in Education).

Kruger, Justin; Dunning, David (1999). "Unskilled and unaware of it: How difficulties in recognizing one's own incompetence lead to inflated self-assessments.". Journal of Personality and Social Psychology. American Psychological Association. 77 (6): 1121–1134

Mercer, J. (2007) The Challenges of Insider-Research in Educational Institutions: wielding a double-edged sword and resolving delicate dilemmas, Oxford Review of Education, 33(1), 1-17.

Merton, R. (1972) Insiders and outsiders; a chapter in the sociology of knowledge, American Journal of Sociology, 78 (July), 9–47.

Olson, D. H. (1977) Insiders’ and outsiders’ views of relationships: research studies, in: G. Levinger & H. L. Rausch (Eds) Close relationships: perspectives on the meaning of intimacy (Amhurst, University of Massachusettes Press).

Parades, A. (1977) On ethnographic work among minority groups: a folklorist’s perspective, New Scholar, 6, 1–53.

Simmel, G. (1950) The sociology of Georg Simmel (New York, Free Press).

Zinn, M. B. (1979) Field research in minority communities: ethical methodological and political observations by an insider, Social Problems, 27(2), 209–219

Recruiting teachers of Computer Science: schools losing the “best and brightest graduates” to corporations

As it is the first week of the school year, many new trainee teachers will be starting out in their future career. One of the things that brought them to teaching was recruitment. It is interesting to think about how recruitment differs within different sectors. Interestingly, my partner and I were discussing our days at work. He stated that a new Junior Software Developer had started and that he used to be a Chemistry teacher up until last academic year. He added that this teacher was well into his 30s and was evidently a “career changer”. This made me think about the state of recruitment of Computer Science teachers within the English state education system.

Jones starts the second chapter in his book, The Establishment (2015); retelling a conversation he had after an interview with a senior lobbyist for a banking company. He states his view on politician’s salary: Jones states that there is a case for reducing MP’s salaries as MP’s are “comfortably placed in the top 5% of earners” (2015, p. 46). This leads the lobbyist to argue that “such a move would deter the most talented people, particularly from the private sector, from entering politics”. This led me to think about the current recruitment context of teachers. In fact, doesn’t this argument resonate with all employment sectors? Don’t all employers wish to recruit “the most talented people”?

Indeed, the school I work at is aiming to recruit English, Math, Science and MFL teachers, a glance at the job advert shows that the salary is “competitive”. So why is there is shortage of teachers if schools are trying to attract the most talented people with these “competitive” salaries? Of course, I cannot provide a sweeping answer as this would be too generalised. But what I can do is speculate. I am currently employed as a Computer Science teacher whilst my partner, is employed as a Junior Software Developer. We’re both at the very beginnings of our careers having started our jobs at the same time. Although the subject knowledge required is relatively the same, the salary is not. My starting salary as a teacher is £10,000 less than my partner’s starting salary. Obviously financial reward is not, in isolation, the reason to enter a specific field of work but if we apply this senior lobbyist’s logic why is there not a similar recruitment incentive for teachers? Does our society not want “the most talented people” teaching our future generations?

The current financial incentives are clearly not enough, at the moment in order to attract the “best and brightest graduates” that could teach any subject within the English Baccalaureate are up to £30,000 tax free bursaries and scholarships. This clearly matches the starting salaries of some graduate jobs. But, what about after they have trained, will schools who employ the “Best and brightest graduates” be able to afford them as an NQT? Will those schools who are too poor to even afford a printing budget, be able to afford these “talented” classroom teachers? I have heard a lot of stories already from ex-classroom teachers who have found jobs in other sectors such as banking because their schools “could not afford them” as simply just classroom teachers without giving them more responsibility such as a middle/senior leader.  Although helpful, the financial incentive during the recruitment of teachers is not enough. If we want to recruit and keep, the “most talented people” as teachers, it is important to adopt a similar stance as the senior lobbyist within Jones (2015), more money needs to be put into the salary of classroom teachers. 

Why I would rather live in my "deprived" ex-mining village compared to anywhere else in the world

There are many different definitions of place attachment. Most definitions agree that it refers to an emotional connection between a person and a geographical area. However, where Brown and Raymond (2007) define that geographical area as a person's immediate attachment, the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2008) defines this as any place in the world. The way I interpret this definition allows the individual to feel an emotion connection to an area in which they have not necessarily visited. For this reason, any reference to place attachment will invoke this definition. 

Growing up, I was adamant that I would move to London for university and later live in Spain, Italy and America. I was attracted to the places that seemed different and adventurous in comparison to the ex-mining white working-class village in Yorkshire, where I had lived since I was born. When I was reminded of these foreign places, through popular culture or holidays, I felt a strong attachment to the life I could be living in these prosperous areas. In reality, the university I went to was in fact further north than my home village. It is interesting when I reflect upon how I made this geographical decision. Part of my undergraduate dissertation actually researched into how the "feel" of a university influences the decision that a first generation university student, such as myself, makes. Following similar conclusions, the northern university I chose was the correct fit for my habitus. Habitus, defined by Bourdieu (1972), as a set of dispositions that are second nature and familiar to an individual. 

Since I left for university as an undergraduate, besides going home over summer, I have never moved back to my home village. Now, living in Stoke-on-Trent, the home sickness is starting to catch up with me. Perhaps my habitus is being stretched too much by the 180 mile distance with weak train connections, and the feeling of being in Staffordshire rather than Yorkshire. It could be possible that I now feel like a "fish out of water" as Bourdieu (1972) would describe: living a life that is not completely compatible with my habitus. As such, my place attachment is not towards Stoke but rather my home village back in Yorkshire.

Indeed, when I visit my parent's house I do get the feeling that I will move back into my teenage bedroom at some ambiguous point in the future. Anton and Lawrence's (2014) research found that their participants had a higher attachment to their homes rather than local areas. Perhaps what I feel is not place attachment but a sense of nostalgia for a time gone by where I dreamt of where I would be living as an adult.

It is interesting to think that, although I have the economic means and knowledge that I could live anywhere I wanted, I have decided to go back to the same "deprived" village in which I grew up. Why would I want to live in this ex-mining town when I could live by the sea in Spain, a historic Italian town or a bustling city in America? Research from the Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2008) suggests this, indeed, does have to do with habitus and capital. Their report on place attachment in areas of deprivation found strong social networks and historical links to the area create this bond. 

Bourdieu's theory of practice relates to place attachment as habitus fosters the emotional connection with a geographical location. The Joseph Rowntree Foundation's (2008) research found that place attachment is higher in more homogenous areas in which residents have common backgrounds, interests and culture. My ex-mining town is a white working class area with a uniquely Yorkshire accent, so this could be why it fits my habitus.

The idea of moving back does make me feel optimistic for the future of the village. Migrating for educational qualifications and skills across the country fills me with the sense of "giving back". Indeed, high attachment to place results in positive outcomes, for example, becoming socially and politically involved to create a better community for all (Anton and Lawrence, 2014). Of course, I could also be completely wrong, move back, hate it and move to New York City; but we will have to wait and see, I am sure that would make for an interesting reflective blog post if it were to happen!

References:

G. Brown, C. Raymond (2007) The relationship between place attachment and landscape values: Towards mapping place attachment. Applied Geography, 27, pp. 89-111

C.E. Anton and C. Lawrence (2014) Home is where the heart is: The effect of place of residence on place attachment and community participation. Journal of Environmental Psychology, 40, pp. 451-461

Joseph Rowntree Foundation (2008) People's attachment to place - the influence of neighbourhood deprivation. Available at: https://www.jrf.org.uk/sites/default/files/jrf/migrated/files/2200-neighbourhoods-attachment-deprivation.pdf

P. Bourdieu (1972) Outline of a Theory of Practice. Cambridge: University Press

An outsider's perspective on New York City: creating a collective state consciousness through advertising

During my recent trip to New York I had many observations about life in the city: how easy it is to understand the street/avenue system; how clever the city was to build in blocks; how it seemed like almost everyone had the same brown Louis Vuitton bag (that I now own - when in Rome). The one observation that stood out to me though through a series of advertisements was the portrayal of the collective social group, "New Yorkers".

The traditional stereotype of the New Yorker, somebody who lives in New York City, depicts this person as "rude", "impatient", "uptight" and "snobby" (The Culture Trip, 2017). However, it could be seen that this is being challenged by the NY transport authority. One advert had the headline "New Yorkers are hard on the outside, but soft on the inside" suggesting that the New Yorker could be perceived as "rude" when they push past you on the street, but this rudeness is not a core of their personality. The "inside" of a New Yorker is portrayed as concerned, supportive and as a safe guarder. This could be seen through numerous adverts around the subway  with the titles "New Yorkers keeping New York safe" together with numbers to call if you notice something "strange" or "dangerous" on public transport. These adverts also challenge the stereotype of New York as a dangerous city; the collective social group of the New Yorkers choose to live here everyday, so it must not be dangerous. These adverts were accompanied with head-shots of New Yorkers: people of all ages, genders, ethnicities and sizes. It could be argued that this type of advertising helps to create a collective conscious of what it means to be a New Yorker through uniting citizens; despite differing ethnicities, ages and genders, they share a feature of their identity with others who live in New York City. Adverts portray a sense that all New Yorkers hold a duty of care to their city in a post-9/11 New York.

Indeed, this stereotype was not the only thing that helped collectivise the state of New York. Other adverts created a sense of a state consciousness. For instances, there was an advertisement offering support and legal help to New York citizens who had friends or family going through immigration problems. Another advert stated that healthcare was not just a luxury for the "rich citizens of New York" but something that all New Yorkers deserved to have. Whilst another advertised a number you could ring if you believed that you were not getting paid the minimum wage and your working rights were being exploited. All of these adverts show New York City to be a safe and caring city to live within. Similarly, these adverts depict New York City to be very liberal especially against the current back drop of Trump's America.

Of course, these adverts echoed liberal arguments surrounding basic rights for citizens; I witnessed anti-Trump/Pence marches; and citizens adorned Black Lives Matter t-shirts. You could say that, in the current political climate, that the city is rather left wing. What does this mean about the citizens? Does this reflect their political beliefs? Statistics show that the Democratic Party's candidate, Hillary Clinton won New York with 56% of the vote in comparison to Trump's 36% (NY Times, 2017). It is interesting, when looking at the map which breaks down areas of New York and their votes, that New York City was the city with the most, proportional, votes for Hillary Clinton within the state of New York.  It would be interesting to see how New Yorkers view these candidates now.

Although the politics of New York City may not be represented by the United States of America (e.g. Trump) the sense of identity and patriotism is. New York could be seen as a microcosm for American patriotism. The United States of America is exactly that, the country as a whole is very big and although the USA does a great job of creating a collective conscience of what it means to be American, New York has created its own identity.  Even something as mundane as car plates gives the owner an identity to which state they belong.  Perhaps this state identity helps citizens to distance themselves from political issues within the US as a country.

References:
 https://theculturetrip.com/north-america/usa/new-york/articles/13-stereotypes-about-new-yorkers-that-are-completely-wrong/
https://www.nytimes.com/elections/results/new-york

"Just some steps and overpriced bakeries": Pop culture tourism in New York

When I went to an American college during University, I travelled with 20 other York students who were strangers. We started off in New York, with two days of sight seeing. Although I did not know some of these people I found common bonds through travelling to ‘must see’ New York spots that were pertinent to some American sitcoms. For instance, I bonded with a girl who, at first, I thought I had nothing in common with through sitting on the Met steps as Serena and Blair do in Gossip Girl, an American sitcom based around the lives of ‘upper-east side’ teenage socialites. Similarly, when travelling in our stranger group, the first thing we did in central park was try to find “the Friend’s fountain”, ironically, as another girl called it. We paused to take iconic jumping photos at the fountain even though we had yet to remember each other’s names. All through this time we bonded and forged conversations based around episodes we had seen, who our favourite characters were and how strange it was to be where it was all set.

As I am about to embark on my second trip to New York, with my partner, we have revolved our entire stay around where we will be going for food. Even booking the hotel involved taking into consideration the distance between this and a bakery we wished to visit. We will often watch a series called Cake Boss which is a realty programme revolving around life at a family owned Italian-American bakery. We have already planned what bakery items we will be getting despite never having visited the bakery before. Technology is, indeed, making the world feel smaller. Businesses can be found on Google maps, menus can be seen anywhere in the world, and transportation plans can be made months in advance. All this for a bakery. Food tourism in New York is not unusual, the popularity of Sex and the City, again based in New York, lead to tours to the iconic bakery. The levels of tourism and popularity have led to second bakeries being opened around the city to capitalise on their popularity. If you are not a fan of any of these programmes then you may see just some steps to a museum or a couple of over priced bakeries but to the fan these are the places they have travelled thousands of miles to see.

The New York experience does not finish once the trip has ended. The trip changes the perception of the television show. Whenever these are watched the viewer can reflect back on their trip to that iconic place and reminisce. Perhaps the location did not look the way they thought it would, maybe the visit was disappointing, or maybe the visit forged friendships between strangers. Either way the relationship between the New York locations and the viewer has changed.

Hyper-representing my life: agency and structure when preparing for a holiday

As I am about to go on holiday, my mind is wandering back to some of the concepts I explored at university whilst taking a module about migration and tourism. Some people say that once they graduate they never use what they have learned. This is what I love about parts of my degree: the concepts and ideas I explored at York will follow my thoughts for the rest of my life. One of the concepts I explored whilst theorising about migration and tourism was the idea of the British holiday as the ‘hyper-weekend’.

If you ask anyone why they have booked a holiday, they may reply that they want a relaxing trip away from everyday life. Holidays are often synonymous with escapism: leaving one’s native country to become the authentic traveller immersed in different cultures and scenery. However, it could be argued that the holiday is not in fact an escape from the daily grind, but rather a hyper-representation of an individual’s weekend. As Briggs’ (2013) ethnography of working class Britons in Ibiza found, although individuals believed they were exercising liberation from their home life (e.g. from their job or relationship), they are, in fact, living an exaggerated version of their life at home. Since reading Briggs (2013) I have thought about this idea a lot when thinking about holidays. However, whilst preparing for my next holiday, I have began reflecting upon how the preparation for a holiday is also a hyper representation of preparing for a night out or an event at the weekend.

For myself, getting ready for an event or just life in general involves getting my nails done, lashes bought and tan applied. This preparation is exactly the same for my holiday but just on a grander scale. Within ‘everyday life’ I would prepare for an event by getting ‘party’ lashes: strips of fake eyelashes that are applied with glue and taken off when the event is over, like make-up. For my holiday, I get semi-permanent eyelash extensions: individual fake eyelashes glued to my real eyelashes that stay on for up to 2-3 weeks. Similarly, within ‘everyday life’ I paint my nails with normal nail varnish. In contrast, for my holiday, I have gel nail varnish put on my nails: a more lasting varnish that can stay on, again, for up to 2-3 weeks. Both of these examples show that the preparation for a holiday is a hyper representation of my normal beauty routine. Not only this, but they both also show how I am exercising agency within the bounds of structure. It is my choice to get a more semi-permanent beauty procedure. As I have stated before in my previous blog post, I do not feel that I have to wear make-up or do my hair: I choose to. However, it can be seen that I am making this choice within the bounds of structure: what is on offer by beauty salons and what is ‘trendy’ at the time. Dusty pink gel nails? Yes please. Full brows and extended eyelashes? Sounds good. Although I choose to do this to my face, my choices are restricted by the makers of beauty products as to what beauty ideals are fashionable at any given time.

Indeed, once all this beauty preparation has been done, one is ready for a holiday to ‘relax’ from the exhaustion of preparing. All ready to hyper-represent my weekend for two weeks. 

“Enhancing your natural beauty”: my type of capitalist marketing

Adverts are ubiquitous. When I was growing up, the only time I would see adverts was while watching television. However, with the rise of digital technology, adverts have found themselves penetrating everyone’s life: whether you are watching a YouTube video or scrolling social media, you can even get adverts on the front of your smartphone’s lock screen dependent on push notifications of some apps. The one thing I have noticed whilst being forced to watch adverts is the rise of negative, preventative marketing of consumer products. What I mean by this is the rise of products marketed as “anti” insert an adjective here: “anti-frizz”, “anti-blackhead”, “anti-humidity”, “anti-spot”. This type of marketing perpetuates the idea that we must cover our “imperfections”, imperfections that are created and defined by these companies. Who decided that having frizzy hair, spots or blackheads was not ideal? Is there a health benefit to not having these? As far as I am aware, the only reason products aim to irradiate these characteristics is to profit from cosmetic ideals. This type of marketing is what causes self-esteem and insecurities amongst young women.

Of course, it can be said that any type of marketing involves selling a product to fulfil capitalist created material needs; but I have to say, I am a contradictory fan of capitalism and its many products. There is no way to eradicate these products, in a similar critique to that of work by Karl Marx: overthrowing capitalism is next to impossible. Therefore, my ideal beauty product marketing is selling the purpose of products as “enhancing the natural”. These products minimise the guilt I feel about indulging with capitalism and makes me feel like the product I have bought does not define my beauty: I am already beautiful, the product is just adding to this.  With or without this product my features are valid. I believe taking this marketing approach is beneficial to both companies and the consumer. The consumer will feel good about themselves, which in turn, may increase the chances of repurchasing this item. I have found that responding to this type of marketing is what has allowed me to no longer feel insecure about not wearing makeup. 10 years ago, I never would have considered going “bare-face” at work or at social events, but now it is my norm. Of course, this could also be due to my self-concept as I have aged, but I do think that positive marketing has had an impact.

Altogether, as we cannot stop the inevitability of capitalism, I believe that if companies are going to heavily market consumer products, it should be done in this positive, uplifting manner.